Irene Heim explores presupposition projection in attitude verbs, focusing on how presuppositions are projected in propositional attitude sentences. She argues that if the complement of an attitude sentence presupposes p, then the whole sentence presupposes that the attitude-holder believes p. This is derived from assumptions about the lexical semantics of attitude predicates within a context change semantics framework, which incorporates Stalnaker's view that presupposition projection arises from the stepwise updating of information in response to complex utterances. Heim examines the semantics of verbs of belief and desire, particularly how presuppositions are handled in reports of realistic and counterfactual desires. She introduces a framework where the meaning of a sentence is its context change potential (CCP), a function from contexts to contexts. Contexts are identified with states of information, and the CCP of a sentence determines how information is updated by the sentence's content. Heim analyzes how presuppositions are projected in attitude reports, focusing on the lexical entries for attitude predicates. She shows that the projection of presuppositions from the complement of an attitude sentence depends on the structure of the sentence and the context in which it is used. For example, the sentence "Patrick wants to sell his cello" presupposes that Patrick believes he owns a cello, not that he actually does. Heim also discusses the implications of this framework for desire verbs, showing how the truth-conditional semantics of desire reports can be adapted to context change semantics. She addresses the challenge of preserving the correct projection of presuppositions in cases where the complement of a desire sentence might seem to presuppose something that is not actually required. She proposes a revised analysis that accounts for these cases, ensuring that the projection of presuppositions is consistent with the truth-conditional semantics of desire reports. Heim concludes that her analysis aligns with Karttunen's generalization that presuppositions of attitude sentences are projected as beliefs, but she provides a more detailed and precise formulation of this idea within the context change semantics framework. She also addresses the issue of presupposition filtering in desire reports, showing how the framework can account for the apparent contradiction between the presuppositions of the complement and the overall sentence.Irene Heim explores presupposition projection in attitude verbs, focusing on how presuppositions are projected in propositional attitude sentences. She argues that if the complement of an attitude sentence presupposes p, then the whole sentence presupposes that the attitude-holder believes p. This is derived from assumptions about the lexical semantics of attitude predicates within a context change semantics framework, which incorporates Stalnaker's view that presupposition projection arises from the stepwise updating of information in response to complex utterances. Heim examines the semantics of verbs of belief and desire, particularly how presuppositions are handled in reports of realistic and counterfactual desires. She introduces a framework where the meaning of a sentence is its context change potential (CCP), a function from contexts to contexts. Contexts are identified with states of information, and the CCP of a sentence determines how information is updated by the sentence's content. Heim analyzes how presuppositions are projected in attitude reports, focusing on the lexical entries for attitude predicates. She shows that the projection of presuppositions from the complement of an attitude sentence depends on the structure of the sentence and the context in which it is used. For example, the sentence "Patrick wants to sell his cello" presupposes that Patrick believes he owns a cello, not that he actually does. Heim also discusses the implications of this framework for desire verbs, showing how the truth-conditional semantics of desire reports can be adapted to context change semantics. She addresses the challenge of preserving the correct projection of presuppositions in cases where the complement of a desire sentence might seem to presuppose something that is not actually required. She proposes a revised analysis that accounts for these cases, ensuring that the projection of presuppositions is consistent with the truth-conditional semantics of desire reports. Heim concludes that her analysis aligns with Karttunen's generalization that presuppositions of attitude sentences are projected as beliefs, but she provides a more detailed and precise formulation of this idea within the context change semantics framework. She also addresses the issue of presupposition filtering in desire reports, showing how the framework can account for the apparent contradiction between the presuppositions of the complement and the overall sentence.